A Prophecy given Dec. 25th 1832
Verily thus saith the Lord, concerning the wars that will shortly come to pass begining at the rebellion of South Carolina which will eventually terminate in the death and missery of many souls, and the days will come that war will be poured out upon all Nations begining at this place for behold the southern states shall be divided against the Northern States, and the Southern States will call on other [Nations] even the Nation of Great Britian as it is called and they shall also call upon other Nations in order to defend themselves against other Nations and thus war shall be poured out upon all Nations and it shall come to pass after many days Slaves shall rise up against there Masters who shall be Martialed and disaplined for war and it shall come to pass also that the remnants who are left of the land will martial themselves also and shall become exceding angry and shall vex the Gentiles with a soar vexation and thus with the sword and by blood shed the inhabitants of the earth shall mourn and with famine and plague, and Earthquake and the thunder of heaven and the fierce and vivid lightning also shall the inhabitants of the earth be made to feel the wrath and indignation and chastning hand of an Almighty God until the consumption
decribed decreed hath made a full end of all Nations that the cry of the saints and of blood of the saints shall cease to come up into the ears of the Lord of Saboath from the earth to be avenged of their enimies, wherefore stand ye in holy places and be not moved untill the day of the Lord come, for be hold it cometh quickly saith the Lord. Amen
Given by Joseph the Seer writtn by F[rederick] G Williams
"The President has issued his proclamation to South Carolina, making known to the people there of his views of the Constitution, the tariff laws, and the course which he shall deem it his duty to pursue, in regard to nullification. He tells them plainly that the laws and the Union must be maintained, at all events, and warns them of the consequences of resistance."
Washington Correspond’e of the New York Tour. & Enq’r.
Washington, Dec. 4, 1832
Sir:—I have seen your paper of last Saturday, containing my first letter. Agreeably to my anticipations, a quorum of members attended yesterday; and Speaker Stevenson took the chair. The alarm, therefore, which produced a “beating to quarters,” among the opposition, was without cause.
The President, this day, transmitted his message to both houses. It will reach you by express, before this letter; and as I do not intend to criticise or review it, I will only call your attention to the remarks of the Executive, on the tariff laws, as connected with Southern excitement, and you will perceive they are perfect accordance with the view heretofore taken by me. They established the face, that the President feels himself authorized, by the existing laws to coerce South Carolina into submission. Will he make the experiment, with the military force at his command! I think not. Procrastination, will be the order of the day.
You are aware that in the commencement of the session, but little is done in either house. We seldom discuss, and more seldom decide any important question, until after the Christmas holidays. There is, however, a deep interest evidenced in this city, in relation to the measures that Congress or the President may adopt, at this crisis; a crisis calculated to ‘try men’s souls.’
I regret to say, that many of the members are, apparently, indifferent, as to the continuance or dissolution of the Union : while others, from whom moderation was expected, express themselves in virulent terms against the South. Within a few hours, Senator Holmes, of Maine, has given vent to feelings that in my opinion, it would be better policy, and much more kind to smother, if not subdue. If he speaks the sentiments of the party, then, indeed, is there great danger of bloodshed, and we may be destined to witness the ‘outpourings of the bitter waters’ of affliction, upon this late peaceful, prosperous and happy land.
The South and South west complain as with one voice, against what they consider, unconstitutional tariff laws. South Carolina has evinced more open and bold, but not more determined opposition to these laws, than is known to exist in several other States. If coercion is attempted against her, I repeat, she will not be found standing alone. These are not the times for mincing matters. The curtain should be drawn aside. The tariff is a subject of complaint in the South, because it has an existence, and is tangible; because, as she contends, its enactment, is an assumption of power not delegation. But is there not another subject, the agitation of which she constantly apprehends; and in relation to which she is extremely sensative? The mixed population of the Southern States is to them, a source of continual anxiety; but for that reason, if no other, they are united in bands that seem almost indissoluble. In comparison with it, every other question sinks into nothingness. The great principle which governs mankind, (self-interest) must govern them; and it may, by possibility, become self-preservation.
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It has been but too often the ease that petty politicians have sounded the alarm of public danger, when only their own selfish interests were in jeopardy. So frequently has this occurred that the people, like the boy in the fable, hear the cry of Wolf! Wolf! With unconcern, and regarded the most solemn predictions as idle vapouring. But whatever may be the result of the present crisis, or however unheeded the warning, the press will have performed its duty in disclosing the extent of the evil before us, and in contributing its efforts to resist or avoid them.
We have just terminated an election which it is feared may be the last that will be ever held under the present form of government, and many, we might say most, of the ablest men in our nation, have uttered their misgivings. In the brief interval, since that election commenced, the possibilities of dismemberment have increased, and our dangers thickened. Among the first and most prominent indications of the imminency of our peril, we number the recent message of Gov. LUMPKIN to the Legislature of Georgia. This document was commented upon by many of our contemporaries soon after its appearance. It found favour, however, with few, perhaps none, except among those who are the mere hacks of party. If we have deferred a notice of the publication it is not because we have been unobservant of its bearing. At the present moment, when the public eye is turned to gaze with deep intensity upon the proceedings of South Carolina, it is peculiarly fitting that we should look around and survey the character and full extent of the dangers that beset us.
The doctrines maintained by Gov. LUMPKIN, contain in principle, every feature of nullification; and in practice, are more to be feared than those of Gov. HAMILTON, because resistance is offered to that branch of government which is least capable of enforcing its decrees, by the arm of power. There is another circumstance too, which ought not to be overlooked – The individuals in whose case this great question has been raised were Missionaries – a class of men not often, nor generally popular – and who, in the instance in question, are believed by many, to have undertaken this political crusade for the very purpose of engendering mischief and dissentions. How far this impression may be correct we pretend not to decide. We are not personally their advocate; nor are our sympathies apt to be enlisted on the side of enthusiasts or bigots of any description. But if BUTLER and WORCESTER are bigots, that circumstance cannot impair their rights as citizens, nor impart legality to the acts of Georgia. All history shews that usurpations have been most often accomplished by turning the current of public indignation against obnoxious individuals; and shall wee, because we reprobate particular men, permit the constitution to be pierced, in order to reach them? Shall we Samson-like, pull down the pillars of that constitution, for the purpose of punishing others, when we also must be crushed by its fall? However perverse or misguided the original purpose of the Missionaries may have been, the question is now to be regarded as between the U. States in the department of its judiciary on the one hand, and the State of Georgia, resting on its claimed reserved rights as the pretext for direct, forcible nullification, on the other. Nullification we oppose, in every shape and form – and most promptly of all others, that which asserts its own interpretation of constitutional law to be paramount ad supreme, and resorts to force and violence to sustain it. That Gov. LUMPKIN vows nullification in fact, and rejects it only in name, is sufficiently obvious from the most cursory perusal of his message. Towards the end of that communication he adverts distinctly to what he terms “the mystic doctrine of nullification.” He pronounces it to be “unsound, dangerous, and delusive in practice, as well as in theory”; and that “wherever it spreads, it engenders the bitter strifes and animosities, and dissolves the most endearing relations in life.”
Yet this Gov. LUMPKIN, in the former part of the same message, when alluding to the decision of the Supreme Court, says – “I have been prepared to meet this usurpation of Federal power with the most prompt and determined resistance in whatever form its enforcement might have been attempted by any branch of the Federal government. And what is this but nullification? What casuists can distinguish between it and the doctrines of South Carolina? The latter proposes to nullify an act of the legislative branch of the Federal government – the former to resists by force a decision of the Judiciary branch. The Judiciary is as much a branch of the general government as the legislature and resistance to either is practical nullification. It is true that in South Carolina the parties are respectively designated as Nullifiers and Unionists while in Georgia, the prostrators of the Judiciary have christened their nullification, by the name of Resistance, and contemptuously branded their opponents as Submission-men.
But names cannot alter things; — and if Governor LUMPKIN proposes to avail himself of an objection to the phrase, the subterfuge is puerile. The only difference between them is in their application; and of the two sorts of substantial nullification, that of Georgia is the least defensible in principle and the most dangerous in its tendency. It is a direct appeal to the law of the strongest. The “engendering strifes” and “dissolving the most endearing relations in life” is not the climax of its mischief – for it aims at once at armed resistance and CIVIL WAR. It does not propose the peaceable reference of a great constitutional question for the Supreme Judiciary but recklessly nullifies the judiciary itself, at a blow. It does not consent to call a Convention of the States as an advisory body, and promise an ultimate acquiescence in its decision, but claims to be its own arbiter and avenger –”throws itself upon (such) rights as it asserts, ipso arbitrio, to be reserved – and gathering up into the attitude of defiance, bids the Union to come on if it durst! That much is the real meaning of Governor LUMPKIN, and that he intends to resort to arms in repealing the jurisdiction of the Supreme Court cannot reasonably be questioned for he presses upon the Legislature the policy of organizing a more efficient militia, and recommends the incorporation of volunteer companies throughout the State – for what purpose? – to afford (we quote his words) – “a rallying point, in case of sudden alarm from ANY quarter, foreign or DOMESTIC.”
What then is really the present position of our country? Two states out of twenty-four, have put at defiance two out of the three branches of the General Government! Georgia has set the example of nullification of the Judiciary, which South Carolina is following in relation to Congress. The latter threatens, what the former has practiced. A few months more will test the permanency of our institutions, and decide the problem whether man is capable of self-government; — for in a few months more, unless some signal interposition shall arrest the course of events in both of these States, our national existence is at an end, and ???? may be inscribed over the halls of the Capitol.
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